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Freedom in Jeopardy: A Case against the EU and Internationalism
Darren Andrews
Thursday, January 15, 2004
Freedom brings Happiness
All people want to be free. We can only grow and learn to the degree that we
are free. We can only know true fulfilment to the degree that we are free. It is
only through being free that mankind can reach his potential. In short, we can
only be happy to the degree that we are free, for those things which bring us
true joy can only be obtained through the use of those faculties which freedom
vouchsafes to us; and through experience we know that being forced or coerced is
anathema to both the human spirit and human enterprise.
History is the Story of the Acceptance and Rejection of Freedom
And yet freedom is something we can easily take for granted - and just as
easily lose. History´s repeated sagas are evidence enough of this. Countless
civilizations have come and gone, many of them destroyed because they
surrendered their freedom little by little until it was all gone or taken from
them. For a nation to lose its freedom there need be no military attack. It can
be lost because the citizens of that nation have allowed themselves to be
deceived through apathy, distractions, fear, and ebbing morals.
Britain is not immune
There are Two Forces At Work in the World
Throughout history there have been two competing philosophies of government.
One holds to the idea that sovereignty lies in the people and that people have
inalienable rights that precede the formation of, or exist prior to, the
establishment of government. This philosophy is called Common Law and its
associated legal code is called Habeas Corpus. Sometimes these terms are
used interchangeably.
The other philosophy teaches that sovereignty lies in an absolute ruler or
body of rulers and that rights exist only inasmuch as such rulers grant them. In
effect there are no rights, only privileges. This philosophy has a number of
names but most popularly is called Civil Law. Its associated legal code
is called Corpus Juris.
Common Law and Civil Law are two opposites. They cannot be reconciled.
J. Reuben Clark, one of the foremost U.S. Constitutional lawyers of the
Twentieth Century, had this to say about these opposing philosophies of
government:
During the centuries, these two systems have had an almost deadly
rivalry for the control of society, the Civil Law, and its fundamental
concepts, being the instrument through which ambitious men of genius and
selfishness have set up and maintained despotisms; the Common Law, with its
basic principles, being the instrument through which men of equal genius,
but with love of mankind burning in their souls, have established and
preserved liberty and free institutions. (1)
What is Sovereignty?
In order to fully grasp the gulf between these two ideologies we will need to
understand the meaning and importance of sovereignty.
In terms of a nation, sovereignty is the exclusive right to make and enforce
its own laws, and to judge those who break them. Under Common Law the government
only possesses this power because the people (the creator of government) have
authorized it. Hence the people are sovereign. The government derives its just
powers from the governed. Such a government, based on Common Law, cannot justly
possess powers that do not first exist in the individual.
Sovereignty exists on many levels but ultimately resides in (and is never
taken from) the people as private citizens. It is the people that are the
masters, government the servant.
The three cornerstones of national sovereignty are political, military and
economic independence.
Nationalism versus Internationalism
One of the finest explanations of nationalism I have ever read came from
Herbert Hoover:
We must realize the vitality of the great spiritual force which we
call nationalism. The fuzzy-minded intellectuals have sought to brand
nationalism as a sin against mankind. They seem to think that infamy is
attached to the word '‘nationalist.' But that force cannot be obscured by
denunciation of it as greed or selfishness – as it sometimes is. The spirit
of nationalism springs from the deepest of human emotions. It rises from the
yearning of men to be free of foreign domination, to govern themselves. It
springs from a thousand rills of race, of history, of sacrifice and pride in
national achievement. (2)
Although referring to the United States, these words from Ezra Taft Benson,
Secretary of Agriculture under Eisenhower, are both insightful and to-the-point:
There is one and only one legitimate goal of United States foreign
policy. It is a narrow goal, a nationalistic goal: the preservation of our
national independence. (3)
Today the foreign departments of all the major governments of the world seem
to be much at odds with Benson´s belief. Indeed, the very opposite. In a time
when history repeats itself and there is again a centralist movement towards the
few governing the many, we must ask ourselves if this is wise? What does history
teach us? How does it measure up to tried and true principle? Does it make sense
in light of self-evident truths and good old common sense?
One of the reasons why some support internationalism is because of a Utopian
or (what they suppose to be) a religious ideal. Ezra Taft Benson put straight
those with such ideas in no uncertain language:
We must put off our rose-colored glasses, quit repeating those
soothing words but entirely false statements about world unity and
brotherhood, and look at the world as it is, not as we would like it to
become…We would be committing national suicide to surrender any of our
independence, and chain ourselves to other nations in such a sick and
turbulent world. (4)
To those who - and there are many - think that changes in the world somehow
change the rules of human nature and government, Benson says:
The world is smaller, you say? True, it is, but if one finds himself
locked in a house with maniacs, thieves and murderers – even a small house –
he does not increase his chances of survival by entering into alliances with
his potential attackers and becoming dependent upon them for protection to
the point where he is unable to defend himself. Perhaps the analogy between
nations and maniacs is a little strong for some to accept. But if we put
aside our squeamishness over strong language, and look hard at the real
world in which we live, the analogy is quite sound in all but the rarest
exceptions. (5)
In conclusion to this section, here are the problems with Internationalism:
-
The Prime Minister (or any other) is not authorized under law to act
within a foreign political organization or yield sovereignty (that is
treason). He is the Prime Minister of the UK
-
Centralising power from the hands of many into the hands of a few goes
against the most basic tenets of wisdom and all the lessons of history; for
it only makes it easier for evil men to gain control
-
Political agreements do not change the nature of people (and thus
nations). Nations become more united and less given to war only through
free, mutual and natural relationships. In other words, political agreements
play no part except as a danger to stirring up contention by employing
coercion rather than non-political persuasion
-
Our first love and responsibility is toward our own nation, as with our
family before other families. To not love our own country first will not
engender a genuine love for all other countries
-
Centralising power will diminish individual liberty; the powers of a just
and free government should reside with the people mainly, with a few powers
delegated to local governments and even less to the central government
A Brief History of Civil and Common Law
As far as modern times are concerned, Civil Law originated chiefly from the
Roman Empire.(6)
For this reason it is sometimes called Roman Law. This philosophy spread over
continental Europe (7)
and, in the Eighteenth Century, the Civil Law climaxed in what is now known as
the Reign of Terror; this gave rise to yet another name for this philosophy and
its associated judicial law: Code Napoleon or the Napoleonic Code. Today, borne
of its past and present geographical sway, Civil Law is also known as European
Law.
Common Law has its roots in antiquity. Some believe it to have originated
from the divine law of statutes and judgements given to the Israelites by Moses.
Whatever its origins, it was brought across Europe and to Britain by the
Anglo-Saxons. It was a law common to all those peoples and hence became known as
Anglo-Saxon Common Law. In Europe Civil law was the legacy of the later Roman
Empire, but England remained free of this influence and thus the Anglo-Saxon
Common Law began to be called English Common Law.
English Common Law was seriously compromised during the Norman Conquest which
brought over the European Civil Law and imposed that system on Britain under the
name of Feudalism. However, after long and bloody centuries, rights and freedoms
were gradually won back and restored. Perhaps the primary and most notable date
of this period is AD 1215 when the Magna Carta was signed - a document that is
still held to be binding today as a foundation of the British Constitution.(8)
The Framers of the Constitution of the United States drew heavily upon Common
Law when drawing up that remarkable freedom document. William E. Gladstone
(1809-98), the British Prime Minister, was so impressed with the US Constitution
that he said it was "the most wonderful work ever struck off at a given time by
the brain and purpose of man". American freedom owed its foundation to English
Common Law.(9)
Ireland, Malta, Australia, Canada and New Zealand also adopted (to some degree)
the English Common Law in the founding of their own governments.
Habeas Corpus versus Corpus Juris
Habeas Corpus (Latin for "having the body") is a system of judicial
laws or tenets rooted in Common Law and thus based on natural rights and
justice. Corpus Juris (Latin for "body of laws") is a system of judicial
laws or tenets rooted in Civil Law and thus based on privilege and the whims of
rulers. The following table contrasts the two systems. I have added elaborative
notes in the first column in an attempt to highlight the importance of each
point and its relationship and/or affect upon natural rights.
Table 1.0 Habeas Corpus versus Corpus Juris
|
HABEAS CORPUS (UK/US
system) |
CORPUS JURIS (European
system) |
|
No arrest without
evidence – thus the citizen is free from
harassment by the police and other government officials |
Can be arrested
without evidence |
|
No holding of suspects
for more than a fixed and very limited time unless charges presented in open
court
– this prevents governments from violating the liberty of citizens by unduly
detaining them or holding them for reasons other than criminal |
Can be held
indefinitely |
|
Right to face your
accuser and see evidence
– anonymity of accusers would mean the government could fabricate testimonies;
accusers (or witnesses) should be known so that they can be held accountable;
the accused has no come back where this is not so. Evidence must be known to the
accused or else government again could fabricate the same and give the accused
no way to prove it false |
Accuser may be
anonymous; no right for accused to see evidence |
|
Right to trial by jury
of one’s peers
– under Common Law the really important matters are reserved to the people. It
is the common people who act with the judge to provide a check on the judge
(otherwise the judge acts as judge and jury which is the concentration of powers
and the very definition of tyranny). The people (peers) are sovereign and must
make the final decision. Further, it is also the right under Common Law for the
jury to first judge the law the accused is alleged to have broken. This provides
a check on the legislature, and allows the people to cast down corrupt laws.
Further, professional judges (as opposed to lay magistrates) are not independent
of the government and invariably enforce the will of the government – there is
thus no check on the government and it would make, judge, and enforce its own
laws however it pleased |
Tried by professional
judge(s) (‘Inquisitorial’ model) |
|
Right to an open court
– a defendant must have the right to public witnesses in a trial or else
government can do things illegal in secret and can bribe those who it knows will
attend. Public and free access to a trial thus helps defend the defendant
against miscarriages of justice |
Closed court |
|
Presumption of
innocence (innocent until proven guilty)
– Common Law always gives the benefit of doubt in favour of freedom. Unlike
Corpus Juris it does not treat everyone like a potential criminal. This is
perhaps the most important tenet, for with such an attitude of non-judgement
many Corpus Juris laws would not have come into existence in the first place |
Held to be guilty
until proven innocent |
|
Protection against
double jeopardy (cannot be tried more than once for the same criminal offence)
– Clearly this right protects the defendant from being repeatedly tried until he
is found guilty |
Can be subjected to
repeated trials on the same charges until found guilty |
|
Burden of proof on
prosecutor (it is up to the prosecutor to prove you are guilty)
– This is an integral part of the right to presumption of innocence (see
above). A part of the right to free speech is to remain silent. Under Common Law
there is no requirement or force used on the defendant to testify against
himself. In a very real sense it is the charges themselves that are primarily on
trial and the integrity of those who have brought them. If the burden was on the
defendant to prove himself innocent many accusations brought by enemies (knowing
the burden would not be on them) could be brought to bear, and the defendant
would be continually oppressed with the task of defending himself with
eventually no recourse to the resources necessary to clear his name |
Burden of proof on
defendant (you are presumed guilty and must prove
your innocence) |
It is hoped from the explanations above, and self-evident truth, that the
reader will see that Habeas Corpus is founded in the liberty of the
individual and Corpus Juris on the destruction of the same.
Structure of the European Union
With an understanding of what we have so far discussed, let us turn our minds
to the European Union and look at how it measures up against the standards of
freedom and rights under Common Law.
Firstly, as few understand it, we will look at the structure of the EU and
then at more specific laws and proposals.
Presidency – this is largely symbolic in nature
European Commission – Unelected body consisting of Commissioners.
Britain has 2. This is an extremely powerful body that makes EU law.
European Council – Extremely powerful. Meets in total secrecy. Its
deliberations are seldom published and when they are it is only after they have
been implemented. Comprises the leaders of the member states and their foreign
secretaries.
Council of Ministers – This has the role of developing the EU. It
consists of ministers from the member states, which minister attends depends
upon the subject being discussed. Due to Qualified Majority Voting it is very
difficult for Britain to stop anything it disagrees with.
European Parliament – this is a part of the EU Government which serves
the purpose of creating an appearance of democracy. In reality the EP has very
little influence. It does not pass laws, only resolutions and the manner in
which it does so is far from just. Its members are called MEPs (Ministers of the
European Parliament). It acts more like a discussion group though the EU has no
obligation to follow its recommendations. Although it ratifies the Commission´s
laws, in reality it is quite powerless and all the Commission´s laws are passed.
MEPs are often confused and misled. Votes go through before they have time to be
discussed and all those not in attendance are considered to be voting for the
law by default!
THE EU AND COMMON LAW
The Right of Habeas Corpus
The EU is based on Civil Law and a Corpus Juris judicial system. It is
in every instance listed in table 1.0 above an exact opposite of the
traditional British System. The European system is simply not acceptable to
anyone who loves freedom under law.
Almost unbelievably even more threats to our liberties exist: the agents of
the EU government cannot be prosecuted. All those who work for the EU have a
life time´s immunity from prosecution. The buildings, records and files of the
EU cannot be searched. They are above the law.
One of the most important principles of a free and just government is what is
known as ‘checks and balances’ – this structures governmental powers in such a
way as to make it impossible for any individual or faction to gain overall
control (i.e. having the power to make, enforce and judge law). A portion of
this principle can be seen in the concept of a warrant for arrest. When the
police (a part of the executive branch of government) want to arrest someone
they must go to a judge and receive a warrant to do so. This means they need to
convince the judge that they have a reasonable cause to make an arrest. The
judge, hopefully independent of the executive as a member of the independent
judicial branch of government, will have to agree before the arrest is issued.
The legislative branch has already been involved in the making of the law which
is at issue of having been broken. Ultimately, the people (as the sovereign
power) should make the decision as to the applicability, merit or lawfulness of
the law if the case comes to trial, and make the final decision as to the
sentence of the defendant.
The EU has effectively dismantled this important check on government tyranny
and at a European level to boot. New extradition procedures empower the EU with
the "European Arrest Warrant" which strips the British Government of doing
anything to stop European officers from coming into the country and taking
whomsoever they want away for incarceration. They do not even need to possess
the warrant. There does not even need to be a warrant! The British
Government will be powerless to stop them (as with all EU laws).
Right to Own and Control Property
In his classic and inspired book, The Law, Bastiat states:
Life, faculties, production – in other words, individuality,
liberty, property – this is man. And in spite of the cunning of artful
political leaders, these three gifts from God precede all human legislation,
and are superior to it…
Under Common Law depriving people of their property can only be justly
effected as a punishment for a criminal offence wherein the offender has been
found guilty of seeking to illegally deprive, or actually depriving, another of
his property, life (person) or liberty.
Indeed, governments are set up to protect property rights in the first place.
The right to own and control property precedes and is superior to government.
Governments that unjustly violate property rights are ignoring one of the prime
purposes for their existence in the first place.
So what is the EU´s take on the right to own and control property?
From the European Convention of Human Rights we find that "no one shall be
deprived of his possessions except in the public interest" (The Human Rights Act
1998, incorporated within British law, Protocol 1, Article 1).
And the Charter of Fundamental Rights (Article 52) allows the EU to limit
rights "where necessary" in the "general interest" of the EU. It is the European
Court that will decide what is both "necessary" and what exactly constitutes the
"general interest".
There is no such person as a "public interest"; what this means is that the
EU Government will deprive people of possessions when they so choose – for they
will decide what the public interest is. It will be completely arbitrary.
Right to Free Speech (and to criticize the EU)
The European Court of Justice has ruled that it may lawfully suppress
political criticism of its institutions and leading figures; that dissent can be
restricted to "protect the rights of others" and punish those who "damaged the
institution´s image and reputation".
The Advocate-General of that Court gave a legal opinion (in case C-274/99)
that criticism of the EU was akin to blasphemy. Punishing someone for allegedly
criticizing the EU, whether such allegations were proven or not, were (said he)
not an infringement of free speech.
Right to be Left Alone
Europol, the new European Police force, is not accountable to an
elected body. It answers to a committee formed by the Council of Ministers. It
has a much wider function than fighting crime, being possessed of the ability to
store information on a central database on anyone (criminal or not), including a
record of an individual’s political and religious beliefs and activities.
Historical precedence has shown that ID cards and other ways of recording
personal information have always been abused – if not by the government that
established it, then by a successor. Anonymity is an important part of the right
to be left alone. Contrary to popular belief information-storing and ID cards do
not decrease crime, they serve only to control and impede people in their rights
and liberty.(10)
Common Law, Constitutions and Governments: Is The EU Legal in Britain?
The rights affirmed in the Magna Carta will be null and void if Britain forms
a political union with the EU. The Magna Carta ensures that these rights
(including presumption of innocence and the right to trial by jury) should be
possessed "fully and completely, for themselves and their heirs from us and our
heirs, in all matters and in all places for ever." To enter the EU is to act in
opposition to the British Constitution.
This document is the foundation of our Constitution and it cannot be broken
(11)
by Parliament. It is a covenant between the Constitutional Head (the Sovereign
monarch) and the subjects. Common Law and this covenant pre-date Parliament and
are not subject to abolition as the Common Law is not statute law (Acts of
Parliaments are statue laws and should only give expression to Common Law, not
suppress it).
Let’s put this principle another way because it is vital we understand it if
we are to avoid confusion and deceit by unscrupulous political rulers, bodies
and movements…
The Common Law represents the natural rights and sovereignty of citizens,
these pre-date and are superior to both constitutions and governments.
Just constitutions are based on Common Law whereby they affirm by declaration
the natural rights and freedoms of man. Constitutions also establish a structure
for government and a framework in which government may fulfil its responsibility
and purpose (namely to protect the Common Law rights of the governed).
Governments are therefore inferior to constitutions and Common Law, gaining
their authority from them.
Though the people of Britain and Monarch acting in agreement may change the
Constitution, the Government may not. Government exists only to give expression
to those rights affirmed in a constitution. Its duty is thus to deal with
procedural and not substantive law (i.e. it cannot abolish or create rights).
From the above, it is very evident that those seeking to bring Britain into
political union with Europe, unwittingly or not, may well be committing acts
which are both illegal and treasonable.
Summary
Britain, in stark contrast to Europe, has had a long tradition of liberty of
the individual. Everything Common Law and Habeas Corpus stands for, everything
patriots have ever fought for, and everything freemen have always loved and
dreamed of, is now under threat of extinction. Will Britain remain a free
nation? That is what hangs in the balance. With the EU Constitution on the
agenda in 2004, this year may well be our last chance to reclaim our freedom.
End Notes
1. Stand Fast By Our Constitution
2. As quoted by Eugene W. Castle in Billions, Blunders and
Baloney, p. 259 (as referenced by Ezra Taft Benson in his address, United States
Foreign Policy given at the Farm Bureau Banquet in Preston, Idaho, June 21st
1968).
3. Ezra Taft Benson, United States Foreign Policy given at
the Farm Bureau Banquet in Preston, Idaho, June 21st 1968
4. Ibid
5. Ibid
6. In AD 438 the Roman Senate rubber-stamped the Theodosian Code.
This code of laws was created by a group of jurists appointed by both the
Eastern Roman Emperor (Theodosius II) and the Western Roman Emperor (Valentinian
III). J. Reuben Clark said "[These laws] had provisions covering such so-called
modern concepts…as price fixing, black markets, excessive taxation, socialized
medicine [a national health service], conscription of labor, anti-semitism,
inflation, corruption in government bureaus, the relationship between Church and
State – all phrases familiar to our ears. Under these laws the entire population
was organized as in one vast army. All, including the highest officials, were
strictly classified, and even the least had a station. In substance this meant
that everyone did what he was told, and did not act without permission. There
was a great body of secret police to report disobedience; there was a ‘special’
secret police appointed to watch the ordinary secret police. These laws were
framed to provide security. We of today have heard the same kind of security
talk. But, in fact, all this bred not security, but scarcity of grain, of
materials, of men. The mere making of laws, even in an absolute despotism, does
not change the great laws of nature and economics – neither then nor now, for
there can be no permanent stability where men are not free. In fewer than forty
years from the issuance of the Theodosian Code the Empire of the West fell,
notwithstanding the operation, under complete autocratic powers, of economic
devices enacted to promote the welfare of the people and to preserve the empire;
some of these devices were the same ones that we have been told will rebuild our
economic structure and preserve our free institutions. These devices failed with
Rome; they will ultimately fail with us." (Stand Fast By Our Constitution, Salt
Lake City: Deseret Book Company, pp. 140-141).
7. Not many decades after the Fall of the Western Roman Empire the
Byzantine (Eastern Roman Empire) under Emperor Justinian established a new set
of laws called the Justinian Code. This set of laws became law throughout all
the Eastern Empire in AD 529. When the Empire fell in AD 1453 the philosophy
spread west across all Europe as the Byzantines fled the Moslems. Thus the
Justinian Code became the system of all Europe. Britain, however, retained the
Common Law until its later struggles with the Normans. It was said that the laws
of the Justinian Code, a Corpus Juris system, were so many that they filled 2000
books (around 3 million verses). Whereas the absolute power of the ruler was
implicit in the Theodosian Code, it was boldly stated in the Justinian Code.
8. "…men in our kingdom shall have and hold all the aforesaid
liberties, rights and concessions well and peacefully, freely and quietly, fully
and completely, for themselves and their heirs from us and our heirs, in all
matters and in all places for ever." (Magna Carta, AD 1215). Those rights
include the right to due process of law, the right to trial by jury, and the
right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty.
9. "Jefferson’s great ambition at that time was to promote a
renaissance of Anglo-Saxon primitive institutions on the new continent. Thus
presented, the American Revolution was nothing but the reclamation of the
Anglo-Saxon birthright..." (Gilbert Chinard, Thomas Jefferson: The Apostle of
Americanism, 2nd ed. Rev. [Ann Arbor, Mich.: The University of Michigan Press,
1975], pp. 86). It is interesting to note that the members of the committee set
up to design the Seal of the United States (Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, and
Benjamin Franklin) originally intended one side of the seal to show the Children
of Israel in the wilderness and the other side to show Hengist and Horsa
(according to tradition the first Anglo-Saxons in England). These ideas proved
too detailed for a small seal and a simpler design was agreed upon. The Founders
were well acquainted with Common Law and that both the Israelites and
Anglo-Saxons were governed by it.
10. # For an excellent argument against ID cards see Sean Gabb’s
pamphlet, Identity Cards: Some Brief Objections available online at
http://freespace.virgin.net/old.whig/idcards2.htm
11. See p. 5, Defence of the Realm; see ‘Suggestions for Further
Reading’ below.
Suggestions for Further Study
Vigilance: A Defence of British Liberty by Ashley Mote (book)
http://www.independence.org.uk/html/merchandise.html
Defence of the Realm by Ashley Mote. Looks at the cogent argument that the EU
treaties, et. al., are actually illegal in Britain (booklet).
http://www.silentmajority.co.uk/eurorealist/MagnaCarta
Corpus Juris and the Threat to British Common Law Rights (web article)
http://www.silentmajority.co.uk/eurorealist/corpus_juris.html
Britain’s Unique Heritage of Law Threatened by an E.U. Police State: A
Napoleonic System of Repression Now Confirmed in Corpus Juris (web article)
http://www.bullen.demon.co.uk/britain.htm
Corpus Juris by Stealth. Long web page with updates on current British-EU
topics and how they affect our freedom. (web article)
http://www.kc3.co.uk/~dt/CorpusJuris.htm
European Union ‘Shockwaves’: The Facts They Don’t Want You To Know (video) by
SANITY, 2003. Tel. England 01626 824528
http://www.independence.org.uk/html/merchandise.html
The Law by Frederic Bastiat. Classic work on the proper role of law in a just
society (book)
Signup for the Constitutional Banner Newsletter and receive information on how
to download a free copy
For a greater elaboration on national sovereignty and nationalism, sadly unable
to be fully covered in this short article, I highly recommend Ezra Taft Benson’s
United States Foreign Policy address given at the Farm Bureau Banquet in
Preston, Idaho, June 21st 1968.
Related Organizations
United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP)
http://www.ukip.org
Freedom-Central.Net (CCNet)
News and Resource Portal for Freedom-loving People Everywhere…
(includes several trustworthy UK freedom resources)
http://www.Freedom-central.net
About the Author
D. Andrews is a writer and publisher who lives in England, loves his country
and is deeply concerned about the decline of freedom in his own land and the
rest of the world. Please feel free to distribute this article but do not alter
(except for formatting) without permission. Version January 2004.
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